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The Federalist

The FederalistFederalist No 1 - General IntroductionFederalist No 2 - Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and InfluenceFederalist No 3 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and InfluenceFederalist No 4 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and InfluenceFederalist No 5 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and InfluenceFederalist No 6 - Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the StatesFederalist No 7 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the StatesFederalist No 8 - The Consequences of Hostilities Between the StatesFederalist No 9 - The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and InsurrectionFederalist No 10 - The Same Subject Continued: The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and InsurrectionFederalist No 11 - The Utility of the Union in Respect to Commercial Relations and a NavyFederalist No 12 - The Utility of the Union In Respect to RevenueFederalist No 13 - Advantage of the Union in Respect to Economy in GovernmentFederalist No 14 - Objections to the Proposed Constitution From Extent of Territory AnsweredFederalist No 15 - The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the UnionFederalist No 16 - The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the UnionFederalist No 17 - The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the UnionFederalist No 18 - The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the UnionFederalist No 19 - The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the UnionFederalist No 20 - The Same Subject Continued: The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the UnionFederalist No 21 - Other Defects of the Present ConfederationFederalist No 22 - The Same Subject Continued: Other Defects of the Present ConfederationFederalist No 23 - The Necessity of a Government as Energetic as the One Proposed to the Preservation of the UnionFederalist No 24 - The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further ConsideredFederalist No 25 - The Same Subject Continued: The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further ConsideredFederalist No 26 - The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense ConsideredFederalist No 27 - The Same Subject Continued: The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense ConsideredFederalist No 28 - The Same Subject Continued: The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense ConsideredFederalist No 29 - Concerning the MilitiaFederalist No 30 - Concerning the General Power of TaxationFederalist No 31 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of TaxationFederalist No 32 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of TaxationFederalist No 33 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of TaxationFederalist No 34 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of TaxationFederalist No 35 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of TaxationFederalist No 36 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the General Power of TaxationFederalist No 37 - Concerning the Difficulties of the Convention in Devising a Proper Form of GovernmentFederalist No 38 - The Same Subject Continued, and the Incoherence of the Objections to the New Plan ExposedFederalist No 39 - The Conformity of the Plan to Republican PrinciplesFederalist No 40 - The Powers of the Convention to Form a Mixed Government Examined and SustainedFederalist No 41 - General View of the Powers Conferred by the ConstitutionFederalist No 42 - The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further ConsideredFederalist No 43 - The Same Subject Continued: The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further ConsideredFederalist No 44 - Restrictions on the Authority of the Several StatesFederalist No 45 - The Alleged Danger From the Powers of the Union to the State Governments ConsideredFederalist No 46 - The Influence of the State and Federal Governments ComparedFederalist No 47 - The Particular Structure of the New Government and the Distribution of Power Among Its Different PartsFederalist No 48 - These Departments Should Not Be So Far Separated as to Have No Constitutional Control Over Each OtherFederalist No 49 - Method of Guarding Against the Encroachments of Any One Department of Government by Appealing to the People Through a ConventionFederalist No 50 - Periodic Appeals to the People ConsideredFederalist No 51 - The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different DepartmentsFederalist No 52 - The House of RepresentativesFederalist No 53 - The Same Subject Continued: The House of RepresentativesFederalist No 54 - The Apportionment of Members Among the StatesFederalist No 55 - The Total Number of the House of RepresentativesFederalist No 56 - The Same Subject Continued: The Total Number of the House of RepresentativesFederalist No 57 - The Alleged Tendency of the New Plan to Elevate the Few at the Expense of the Many Considered in Connection with RepresentationFederalist No 58 - Objection That The Number of Members Will Not Be Augmented as the Progress of Population Demands ConsideredFederalist No 59 - Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of MembersFederalist No 60 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of MembersFederalist No 61 - The Same Subject Continued: Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of MembersFederalist No 62 - The SenateFederalist No 63 - The Senate ContinuedFederalist No 64 - The Powers of the SenateFederalist No 65 - The Powers of the Senate ContinuedFederalist No 66 - Objections to the Power of the Senate To Set as a Court for Impeachments Further ConsideredFederalist No 67 - The Executive DepartmentFederalist No 68 - The Mode of Electing the PresidentFederalist No 69 - The Real Character of the ExecutiveFederalist No 70 - The Executive Department Further ConsideredFederalist No 71 - The Duration in Office of the ExecutiveFederalist No 72 - The Same Subject Continued, and Re-Eligibility of the Executive ConsideredFederalist No 73 - The Provision For The Support of the Executive, and the Veto PowerFederalist No 74 - The Command of the Military and Naval Forces, and the Pardoning Power of the ExecutiveFederalist No 75 - The Treaty Making Power of the ExecutiveFederalist No 76 - The Appointing Power of the ExecutiveFederalist No 77 - The Appointing Power Continued and Other Powers of the Executive ConsideredFederalist No 78 - The Judiciary DepartmentFederalist No 79 - The Judiciary Department ContinuedFederalist No 80 - The Powers of the JudiciaryFederalist No 81 - The Judiciary Continued, and the Distribution of the Judicial AuthorityFederalist No 82 - The Judiciary ContinuedFederalist No 83 - The Judiciary Continued in Relation to Trial by JuryFederalist No 84 - Certain General and Miscellaneous Objections to the Constitution Considered and AnsweredFederalist No 85 - Concluding RemarksALL

Federalist No 79 - The Judiciary Department Continued

The Judiciary Department Continued
From McLEAN'S Edition, New York.
Author: Alexander Hamilton

To the People of the State of New York:

NEXT to permanency in office, nothing can contribute more to the independence of the judges than a fixed provision for their support. The remark made in relation to the President is equally applicable here. In the general course of human nature, A POWER OVER A MAN's SUBSISTENCE AMOUNTS TO A POWER OVER HIS WILL. And we can never hope to see realized in practice, the complete separation of the judicial from the legislative power, in any system which leaves the former dependent for pecuniary resources on the occasional grants of the latter. The enlightened friends to good government in every State, have seen cause to lament the want of precise and explicit precautions in the State constitutions on this head. Some of these indeed have declared that PERMANENT [1] salaries should be established for the judges; but the experiment has in some instances shown that such expressions are not sufficiently definite to preclude legislative evasions. Something still more positive and unequivocal has been evinced to be requisite. The plan of the convention accordingly has provided that the judges of the United States "shall at STATED TIMES receive for their services a compensation which shall not be DIMINISHED during their continuance in office."

This, all circumstances considered, is the most eligible provision that could have been devised. It will readily be understood that the fluctuations in the value of money and in the state of society rendered a fixed rate of compensation in the Constitution inadmissible. What might be extravagant to-day, might in half a century become penurious and inadequate. It was therefore necessary to leave it to the discretion of the legislature to vary its provisions in conformity to the variations in circumstances, yet under such restrictions as to put it out of the power of that body to change the condition of the individual for the worse. A man may then be sure of the ground upon which he stands, and can never be deterred from his duty by the apprehension of being placed in a less eligible situation. The clause which has been quoted combines both advantages. The salaries of judicial officers may from time to time be altered, as occasion shall require, yet so as never to lessen the allowance with which any particular judge comes into office, in respect to him. It will be observed that a difference has been made by the convention between the compensation of the President and of the judges, That of the former can neither be increased nor diminished; that of the latter can only not be diminished. This probably arose from the difference in the duration of the respective offices. As the President is to be elected for no more than four years, it can rarely happen that an adequate salary, fixed at the commencement of that period, will not continue to be such to its end. But with regard to the judges, who, if they behave properly, will be secured in their places for life, it may well happen, especially in the early stages of the government, that a stipend, which would be very sufficient at their first appointment, would become too small in the progress of their service.

This provision for the support of the judges bears every mark of prudence and efficacy; and it may be safely affirmed that, together with the permanent tenure of their offices, it affords a better prospect of their independence than is discoverable in the constitutions of any of the States in regard to their own judges.

The precautions for their responsibility are comprised in the article respecting impeachments. They are liable to be impeached for malconduct by the House of Representatives, and tried by the Senate; and, if convicted, may be dismissed from office, and disqualified for holding any other. This is the only provision on the point which is consistent with the necessary independence of the judicial character, and is the only one which we find in our own Constitution in respect to our own judges.

The want of a provision for removing the judges on account of inability has been a subject of complaint. But all considerate men will be sensible that such a provision would either not be practiced upon or would be more liable to abuse than calculated to answer any good purpose. The mensuration of the faculties of the mind has, I believe, no place in the catalogue of known arts. An attempt to fix the boundary between the regions of ability and inability, would much oftener give scope to personal and party attachments and enmities than advance the interests of justice or the public good. The result, except in the case of insanity, must for the most part be arbitrary; and insanity, without any formal or express provision, may be safely pronounced to be a virtual disqualification.

The constitution of New York, to avoid investigations that must forever be vague and dangerous, has taken a particular age as the criterion of inability. No man can be a judge beyond sixty. I believe there are few at present who do not disapprove of this provision. There is no station, in relation to which it is less proper than to that of a judge. The deliberating and comparing faculties generally preserve their strength much beyond that period in men who survive it; and when, in addition to this circumstance, we consider how few there are who outlive the season of intellectual vigor, and how improbable it is that any considerable portion of the bench, whether more or less numerous, should be in such a situation at the same time, we shall be ready to conclude that limitations of this sort have little to recommend them. In a republic, where fortunes are not affluent, and pensions not expedient, the dismission of men from stations in which they have served their country long and usefully, on which they depend for subsistence, and from which it will be too late to resort to any other occupation for a livelihood, ought to have some better apology to humanity than is to be found in the imaginary danger of a superannuated bench.

PUBLIUS.

1. Vide "Constitution of Massachusetts," chapter 2, section I, article 13.








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